Articles in database from Ross's Paper: 12
Vol. 1, No. 1. E. G. Ross.
The Kansas City Times, in an editorial correspondence from Lawrence, classes our change of base as "sensation No. 10" which was at that time engrossing the thoughts of the denizens of the Historic City. After discussing at length these various exciting topics, seriatim, from one to nine, inclusive, the correspondent says:
"Yes, it is a fact. Ross has abdicated and soon the haunts that have known him so well will know him no more. He goes to the classic shades of Coffeyville, where he again will wrestle with the pen. Now, just where the classic shades of Coffeyville are, I am not prepared to state; somewhere on the line of the L. L. & G. Railroad, if I remember aright. It cannot be a very pleasant sort of place to go to, I imagine, as in conversation with the ex-senator last evening, he informed me that it was his intention to leave his family in Lawrence for a time yet, not desiring, as he stated, to have them rough it again as they did when he first came to Lawrence. Alas! What a fall. Think of it. From the halls of the United States Senate to Coffeyville! Such is life ? Mr. Ross leaves here tomorrow morning and will, on or about the 1st of December, issue the first number of his new enterprise in the thorny paths of journalism. He has named his bantling after himself, calling it Ross's Paper. 'Twas ever thus."
We have a higher appreciation of the profession of journalism than has our friend of the Times. We were never before aware that stepping even from the United States Senate to the editorial sanctum could be properly denominated a "fall," nor are we convinced now. The potent power of the Press to make and unmake senators and presidents, as well as dignitaries of lesser grades, no one now pretends to deny. As for the "classic shades of Coffeyville," we well remember, if our neighbor does not, the time when his "metropolis" was far less significant in the scale of cities than the "classic shades of Coffeyville."...
"Ross' Paper. Ex-Senator Ross is about to start a first-class weekly newspaper at the new and thriving town of Coffeyville in Montgomery County. The Ex-Senator is a vigorous and strong writer ? a natural born journalist. He knows all about the makeup of a newspaper. If Ross' Paper doesn't make it in Coffeyville, there is no make in the town...." ? Parsons Sun.
"Ex-Senator Ross is about to start a paper at Coffeyville to be called Ross' Paper. Mr. Ross is one of the oldest editors in the state, is thoroughly familiar with our history, and is well posted in general politics of the country. He will make an able and spicy paper." ? Burlingame Chronicle.
"Hon. E. G. Ross will start a paper at Coffeyville about the 1st of December, a weekly Republican paper to be called Ross's Paper. Ex-Senator Ross is one of the best newspaper men in Kansas, and we have no doubt but that the paper will have a large circulation and be influential. We recollect some years ago, while printer's devil in the old Buckeye State, of seeing a paper gotten up by the Ross Brothers, who had just finished their apprenticeship. They 'bucked' successfully against an old wealthy concern and, by dint of pluck and brains, made theirs the leading paper...." ? Concordia Empire.
A Card. I have transferred the material used in the publication of the Parker Record to E. G. Ross, who with it has commenced the publication of this newspaper. Mr. Ross will continue to publish all advertisements of the Record, if desired....The subscribers of the Parker Record who have paid me beyond the date of its suspension will be supplied for the full term paid for with the Weekly Kansas State Record. ? G. D. Baker.
"The first number of Senator Ross's paper is before us. Mechanically, it is faultless ? neatly made up and handsomely printed, though an innovation to the extent of dispensing with the big 'head' on the first page. In sentiment it seems to be honest, independent and sound. His salutatory has the ring of the true metal, and did space permit we would like to produce it in full....We wish the new paper abundant success; we trust its circulation may obtain and its influence be felt in every county in the state, for Senator Ross is one of the few ? alas, very few ? Kansas politicians of whom it is said by all parties, 'He is honest.' We believe he will do just what he promises ? approve the right and condemn the wrong under all circumstances ? hence we wish him in his new venture God speed." ? Leavenworth Daily Times.
"Ex-Senator Ross has left his old home in Lawrence for the new town of Coffeyville on the Leavenworth, Lawrence & Galveston Railroad, where he will commence the publication of Ross's Newspaper on the first of December. In years past, Ross was engaged on the Milwaukee Sentinel and is a practical printer. He has had experience as an editor and will send out a good paper. Some sneer at the great change from the Senate chamber of the United States to an infant town on the borders of Western civilization. In our opinion, there is more honor in this than stepping into a fifty thousand dollar mansion in the state of Massachusetts, reared by the toil and sacrifices of the laboring millions of America's oppressed poor. Mr. Ross served as a faithful soldier in the loyal army during the long, bloody rebellion and, like a patriot, was mustered out of service poor. He was honored with a seat in the United States Senate, and left the halls of Congress poor. He is a man the people should delight to honor; but because he would not steal, and did not steal, he has received more outrageous and unmerited abuse than any other high official of Kansas. He now retires to an obscure corner of the earth to work out the measure of his allotted time in an honorable and honest calling. We wish him all success in his new undertaking. If he receives what he merits, it will be great." ? Girard Press.
The Independence Republican thinks "upon examination, it is a little difficult to place" us, and that we show "symptoms of disappointment and old sores" because we oppose the re-election of Grant....We confess to the criticism of disappointment and old sores. We are greatly disappointed by the course Gen. Grant has seen fit to pursue as President of the United States. We were one of the first two members of the Senate (Henry Wilson being the other) who openly favored the nomination of Gen. Grant by the Chicago Republican Convention. The expression of that preference was made during the session of 1866-7, more than a year before his nomination, and was repeatedly urged during all that time, while many prominent public men, who, upon realizing the fact that he would be nominated, became his rampant partisans, were, to our personal knowledge, secretly plotting against him. Of course, when Grant turned his back upon his former professions and arrayed the power of his administration in favor of the iron monopoly of the East, by recommending in a message the imposition of a high tariff for its protection, we were disappointed. When he persistently attempted to bolster up swindles like that of San Domingo, which we had very excellent reasons for believing was conceived in fraud and piracy, and which we knew was urged by men because they expected to make money out of it, we were disappointed again. Again we were sorely disappointed in him when we saw him surround himself with and adopt the advice of men whom we knew personally to be most unconscionable public plunderers....We know a great many men in Kansas and elsewhere, and some Kansas editors, who entertain the same feelings of disgust at grant's course that we feel, but who have not the courage to say so publicly....
The people are in earnest in their universal demand for a reform of the Civil Service....The Republican Party has succeeded for the past 12 years because it was distinctively the party of Reform. It has taken the lead in all great and good works and the people have trusted it with power because it has fulfilled its pledges and purified the government from great crimes and mismanagement....Kansas is by no means free from the leprous touch of these unclean ones. She has in the United States Senate today a man who, till past the years of middle life, was poor ? had developed none of those characteristics which mark successful commercial men, and build up personal fortunes. Eleven years ago, he went into the Senate still comparatively poor. Today he is reliably reported to be worth three millions of money. He has vast possessions of lands, bank stock, railroad stock, government bonds, state bonds, and county bonds. How did he get them? Now there is no discredit in any man's amassing wealth, in the Senate or out of it, provided he does it honorably, in a legitimate business. But when he accumulates money by gold speculations ? in a time of war, and a war in which his country was struggling for a national existence, when a defeat of its armies doubles the value of the gold he has purchased in anticipation of that defeat, he is a traitor deeper-dyed than the open rebel who, honestly and courageously, stakes his life in defense of his convictions. When he demands money in consideration of his support of given measures, over which he has a power...; consideration of favorable action upon Indian land treaties, the location of land offices, and applications for railroad franchises, he is a thief and a plunderer. When he presses the impeachment of an accused official on the pretence of subserving the public good, but really to get an opportunity to put his hands still deeper into the public treasury, and proposes to pay fifty thousand dollars out of his own fortune for the single vote necessary to consummate the conviction, he stands himself a convicted criminal of blacker hue than was ever alleged of his intended victim. When he beguiles the pioneer who has gone out from the friends and comforts of the East to reclaim the wilds of the West for civilization with wordy speeches and deceptive promises till he can fasten his own fangs upon their new-made homes, he is a demagogue of the most vicious type....This is the kind of man that now represents the splendid, hopeful, aspiring young state of Kansas in the American Senate ? that stands near the person of the President, who receives his word as law in all matters affecting our state politics. His name is Pomeroy. There are many more like him, though in a less degree, in the American Senate and House of Representatives....
"The press of Kansas needs a greater variety of opinions on leading topics. With but two or three exceptions, all are Republicans, and upon general subjects there are no differences. We have disagreed only upon personal or factious issues. Ross, in his Coffeyville paper, proposes to break the tedium. His new paper is anti-Grant and Free Trade. There is not another anti-Grant Republican in the state, and but one or two Free Traders. We are glad he has added to the variety....We wish Ross success; but the scope aimed at by the paper, taken in connection with the obscurity of its location, leads us to wonder if there is not some hidden aim in its publication....We can not solve in our mind why he has gone out into the woods to publish a national paper...." ? Junction City Union. We sympathize with the benighted condition of our friend of the Union. No ray of light irradiates and cheers his mental opacity as to the "why is this thus" of our "going out into the woods to publish a National Paper." Now we like George, though some "onpleasantnesses" have heretofore existed between us, for we have always recognized sterling stuff in him. He has brains and pluck. We will be frank with him. In the first place, we have been in the public service since 1862. We have been since then, till the 4th of March last, in positions where we thought it derogatory to the places entrusted to us to seek to gather riches out of the opportunities they afforded. In fact, we saw no way of doing so that would be entirely consistent with the faithful discharge of our trust, to say nothing of a proper regard for the dignity of the positions. To our mind, when a man puts on the "royal blue" of the United States as an officer of the army, he is as much a representative of the dignity, power and responsibilities of a great nation as when clothed in diplomatic or Senatorial robes. So that, having thus passed the intervening time, our exit from the United States Senate opened before us a vast, illimitable field of ? poverty and labor. We have, also, that heavenly boon vouchsafed to poor men ? a large family of splendid, joyous, rollicking boys and girls, whose drafts on the "old man's" exchequer must be honored. Well, to make a long story short, our creditors were getting a little importunate, and dignity wouldn't pay our grocery bills, so we had to go to work. We are master of a good trade ? the "art preservative," &c. We made application for the poor privilege of earning a living by the labor of our hands at that trade. In technical parlance, we "kicked for a job," but were informed, in a kindly but dignified way, by the foreman, who also enjoyed, among his other honors, the presidency of the L.T.U., that we would be permitted to "take our chances" by becoming a member of the aforesaid L.T.U. We pleaded various considerations for exemption, but the president was inexorable. The laws of the L.T.U. were like those of the Medes and Persians, imperative and irreparable, and permitted no exceptions in their rigorous operation. Now we have been somewhat singular, on sundry occasions, for "getting our back up," under an impression that we were not allowed a "fair show," and sometimes, we are sorry to say that we have not been particular as to the manner of expressing that singularity. So, in as temperate a mood as we could command, and the occasion would permit, we advised the L.T.U. to proceed summarily to a place somewhat distinguished for its great abundance of charcoal and sulphur, and we came to Coffeyville. Our first object in coming here was to earn a living for ourself and family, the next to pay our debts, the next to "open out" on speculating and bribe-taking politicians, political cowards, L.T.U.'s and all such vermin. Our location here has not the remotest relation to any "is-to-be Congressional boundary lines," or even to Senatorial contingencies. We have had enough of that, at least for the present. When we shall have succeeded, by years of frugality and industry, in amassing a little competency which will enable us to fill the inevitable chasm which we have always found at the end of the year's official salary, we may conclude to "take a hand in," but for the present, and until the golden god smiles upon us more auspiciously than he has yet done, we must be permitted to plead ? "Not for Joseph."
"We have received two numbers of Ross's Paper, printed at Coffeyville....In regard to the position of the paper on the question of protection to American labor, it is as we feared, free trade ? democratic, up to the hub. This is all it should be, provided it expresses the honest convictions of the editor, and provided he makes no claim of being a Republican, or of publishing a Republican journal. But when he assumes, as he does, that he is a Republican, and that he will publish a Republican paper, and that at the same time comes out flat-footed against a most important line of policy, sustained for 12 years by the Republicans, and opposed by the Democracy, a line of policy which, since the war, has been more than any other the dividing line between the parties, he simply sails under false colors. All free trade papers and politicians belong in the Democratic Party. Ross's Paper, as an independent, Democratic newspaper, is a splendid success. We see much in it to admire and nothing to condemn, except its claim o
We promised our readers last week that we would...pay our respects to that portion of Senator Pomeroy's open letter which related to the subject of the impeachment. With the general history of that subject the public is already quite familiar, but of the hidden springs which moved those who were the means of bringing on the trail, and the infamous means that were resorted to by a portion of the members of Congress, and of the lobby, to secure the conviction of Mr. Johnson, very little is known by the public at large ? how, to begin with, Mr. Grant was to be beaten at Chicago ? how this Senator's friend was to be secretary of such a department, and that Representative's friend of another; how the appointments in this department were to go to that Senator, and the appointments in that department were to be controlled by another Representative ? how, in fact, every identical office in this government, from the Presidency down to the smallest crossroads post office, was farmed out of this, that, and the other Senator and member, in consideration of their support of the cause of the impeachment; and the more important the influence brought to bear, the more and better the offices to be controlled; how the impeachment finally degenerated long before its close into a stupendous and damnable conspiracy for the robbery and plunder of this government and its people ? how the "doubtful" Republicans, as they were called, were directly and daily threatened with assassination by the vicious mob that then filled the city of Washington, waiting the removal of Johnson in the hope of getting office, if they finally refused to support the impeachment. All of this, in its details, is yet to be written. The impeachment of Johnson was merely a pretext on the part of the conspirators. Any other road to the desired result would have answered as well that would have promised the same degree of success.
Inasmuch as Mr. Pomeroy has seen fit to deny our charge that he attempted to influence the result by the use of money, and has in addition seen fit to criticize our own action in that matter, we propose now to confine ourself to that portion of the history of the case in which he was an actor, leaving other portions of its history for a future chapter.
That Mr. Pomeroy attempted to sell his own vote for a sum of money, the country has already been advised, but the precise manner in which he proposed to do it is not so well known. His first attempt appears to have been through an application to the then Postmaster General, Mr. Randall, for the appointment in the Postal Department of his friend, Mr. James E. Legate. The story runs in this wise, and there is excellent ground for belief in its correctness. Mr. Legate had been a useful friend to Pomeroy, often furnishing him with much needed brains, and Pomeroy naturally desired to repay him. In this letter, he promised that if the appointment could be had, the President could depend upon his friendship, "ever in case of impeachment." This was during the pendency of the articles of impeachment in the House, and when it was considered doubtful whether they would pass.
After they had passed the House, and the case was pending in the Senate, Mr. Pomeroy, foreseeing that there was still doubt about the result and naturally (for him) desiring to "turn an honest penny," wrote to Mr. Edmund Cooper, the private secretary of the President, assuring him that "any arrangement made with his brother-in-law, Mr. Gaylord, would be carried out by him." This letter was given to Mr. Legate, and by him to Mr. Gaylord, for delivery to, or to be shown to, Mr. Cooper. Mr. Legate and Mr. Gaylord went together to Jackson Square, immediately in front of the President's House, where they parted, Mr. Gaylord going to Cooper and Legate remaining. Arriving at Cooper's, Gaylord opened negotiations. The sum finally agreed upon was forty thousand dollars. When the money came to be counted out, however, Gaylord found that a part of it consisted of a check on one of the Washington banks. This, of course, would not do, as it might lead to unpleasant disclosures. Gaylord insisted that the whole should be in currency, and Cooper insisted on putting in the check. On this disagreement the whole matter fell through, Gaylord going back to Legate in the park, informing him that "there was no use talking," tore Pomeroy's letter into bits and dropped it on the ground. After a few minutes conversation they parted, going out of the park by different ways. No sooner, however, was Gaylord out of sight than Legate returned, gathered up the scraps of the letter, pasted them neatly together on a piece of card paper, and had them photographed. In this shape the letter is quite complete, as quite a number of our citizens who have seen it can testify. Pomeroy first bought the negative of Legate, paying him a large amount of money therefore, thinking, doubtless, that he was thus destroying all trace of the damaging missive, only to find that Legate had had the foresight to have two negatives taken. Pomeroy has since paid various sums of money to purchase Legate's silence. This is Legate's story, given to us by himself with authority to use it. The essential facts are also substantially corroborated by Mr. Cooper.
Failing in his negotiations with Mr. Johnson, Pomeroy takes a "new departure." He suddenly becomes intensely zealous for conviction. So thoroughly convinced had be become, on the failure to secure his price in full, in ready money, that the President ought to be impeached and removed for "the good of the country," and having an unlimited faith in the power of money for the accomplishment of good purposes, that he announced his willingness to advance a large sum of money for the vote necessary to secure that object. Mr. Legate was the "bearer of dispatches" in this as in his other negotiations. A Mr. Schaeffer, friend of the Hon. B. F. Butler, can also tell something about this matter. Other members of Congress, besides Mr. Pomeroy, were also engaged in negotiations of this kind, but of them hereafter.
We say Mr. Pomeroy proposed to "advance" this sum; and could well afford to do so as a financial speculation, because it was then well understood that in the "slate" that we had the inexpressible satisfaction of "smashing" at that time, he and a certain member of the House were to have the entire control, under Mr. Wade's Presidency, of the appointments in the Internal Revenue Bureau. This was Pomeroy's share of the impeachment plunder, and he could well afford to advance fifty or a hundred thousand dollars for Mr. Johnson's removal, and Mr. Wade's installment in his place, which would have given him a certainty of getting it back many fold in a few months.
So intense was his anxiety for the success of the impeachment that he went so far beyond be bounds of propriety and decency as to stop us at the door of the Senate Chamber, on the morning of the day on which the first vote was taken, and demand to know how we were going to vote. On being informed by us that he would know at the proper time (when the vote should be taken in the Senate), and not till then, he began to threaten us with political death at home, and with an investigation and expulsion on charges of bribery, if we did not vote for conviction; foreshadowing what we already knew as to the first, and what we afterwards learned as to the latter, for no sooner had the Senate adjourned on that day than the House appointed a committee to inquire into our conduct in keeping our own counsel and voting as we pleased, with the expectation, in the fierce passion and hate of the hour, of securing our expulsion from the Senate and the appointment of a successor who would vote for and thus secure a conviction on some of the other articles of impeachment.
Active in this base conspiracy was our own colleague, the Hon. (?) Samuel C. Pomeroy, and so keen was his disappointment at the sudden check of his masterly advance upon the Treasury ? so fierce his indignation towards us, as the cause of all his woe, that he hastened before that committee and detailed a tissue of falsehoods ? acting under his oath as a Senator ? relating with great particularity various conversations assumed to have taken place between us, and repeated assurances given by us, that we would vote for conviction; in the whole of which there is not one word of truth. Its entire falsity was stated in the Senate a few days afterwards, at the close of the trial, and stands recorded in the Globe. That statement of fact Mr. Pomeroy has never yet attempted, to our knowledge, to disprove, or to deny. He cannot, for he knows it is true in every particular.
The ear of the public was open only to him at that time. We were decried and frowned down by a crazed, indignant party, which struck and would not hear, while every word that fell from his lips on that subject was drunk in with eagerness. That was his opportunity to crush out a colleague that was too much in the habit of thinking for himself, and he improved it. Now, however, our turn has come and we propose to improve it.
Just how Mr. Pomeroy came to give precisely the testimony he did before the Butler Investigating Committee constitutes another interesting chapter in this affair.
It will be remembered that, in order to lose no chance of criminating somebody, Mr. Butler, who is a keen, soulless criminal lawyer, devised a dragnet in the shape of a summary and unexpected seizure of copies of all the telegrams which had been sent or received at the various telegraph offices in the city of Washington. Among the messages thus captured were quite a number of telegrams that passed between Mr. Pomeroy in Washington and Mr. Gaylord in New York City concerning their negotiations with Mr. Cooper. Butler's eyes opened wide when he came to these, but he prudently said nothing. When everything else upon which he had expected to fra
We took a look through the Daily Times office at Kansas City the other day, and were surprised at the excellence it has reached in its appointments. In its mechanical departments, it far surpasses all its contemporaries in the West, while its editorial corps is fully up, in energy and ability, to the best and leads them all in enterprise. The Times is rapidly approaching the position of the leading journal of the Mississippi Valley.
"We see by advices from Washington that Pomeroy is dissatisfied with the Civil Service regulations and denounces them as humbug, &c. The time is drawing near when a Senator from Kansas must be elected. Pomeroy is anxious to be returned to the Senate and knows that it will require a large and strong influence to re-elect him, consequently he is disgusted with the withdrawal of Congressional patronage upon which he depended largely for re-election. Charges against Pomeroy are too many and of too serious and important a character to admit of his again representing Kansas without a clear and indisputable refutation of them. Thus far, he has failed to refute even the most significant charge, and we believe that he cannot refute any of them. In the dispute between Ross and Pomeroy, while we are not an admirer of Ross, yet we think that even in his vote on impeachment ? which has since been generally acknowledged wise, and given from an honest conviction of opinion ? he was less guilty of betraying his constituency, when public opinion was against him, than Pomeroy has been in his land, railroad and other speculations. There are too many men in this county, who bought 'beans' of 'Pom' in 1860, and know him too well for Woodson County to support him." ? Neosho Falls Advertiser.
And now comes the Spirit of Kansas by Kalloch, whose motto is "Plow deep while sluggards sleep." (precept, merely) It is a large, splendid octavo, bright as a May morning, newsy as a sewing circle, and chatty as a donation party ? half farm, half news paper, and a whole institution in all respects. Kalloch is equal to any emergency and the Spirit meets a want long unfulfilled in Kansas journalism. Success to you, Spirit. Let everybody take it. Published at Lawrence for $2 a year.
The Osage Chronicle has changed hands, Mr. Murdock retiring and W. L. Chalfant of Pennsylvania succeeding. In his goodbye to the people of Burlingame, Mr. Murdock indulges in the following very pleasant retrospection: "In the past nine years, I have seen Burlingame grow up from a little hamlet, destitute of public halls, churches or school house worthy of the name, with only about 75 inhabitants, to a beautiful town of fine churches, beautiful homes, and a school house which is a model of architectural outline without, and comfort and beauty within. The growth of the county in population, material wealth, and all that renders civilization desirable, has been wonderful. Against 125 voters then she now polls 2,000. More money is raised for taxes now than the whole assessment returns aggregated then. A thousand fine farms are now blossoming and fruiting, and eight flourishing villages have sprung into life upon the soil where alone the Indian possessed the right to wander then." For all of this unexampled prosperity, Osage County and Burlingame have no living man to thank so much as Marsh Murdock.
The editor went to Lawrence three weeks ago for the purpose off making a sale of his property there, consisting of a house and tract of ground in the suburbs of the city. On arriving there, he was taken ill and continued so for some ten days. During that time, of course, no "copy" came to hand and consequently no paper was issued. Since then he has been awaiting the return of the party with whom he is negotiating for the sale of his Lawrence home. He will hardly return to Coffeyville until that is consummated, unless it should be unexpectedly and materially delayed, as his pecuniary obligations, among them one for the material upon which the Paper is printed, necessitate an early consummation of the sale. Upon its completion, Mr. Ross expects to return to Coffeyville at once, with the means to make some additions to his printing establishment.
Dr. J. J. Crook of this city is about to start a newspaper at Doniphan City. His brother, Dr. W. W. Crook, will be the local editor and manager....The Western Herald, a political and family newspaper of 32 columns, 8 to the page will be issued at Doniphan City on or before the 20th day of May, 1872....The Western Herald will be conducted upon liberal principles, opposing the political views taken by the extreme Radical party....
L. J. Perry, the editor of the Paola Spirit, was appointed postmaster at Paola, an office worth probably eighteen hundred dollars, a few days ago. The relation between cause and effect is quite as unvarying in these little things as in the grander operations of the machinery of Nature. So the next number of the Spirit has about the same amount of twaddle in behalf of the unexampled purity and ability of Pomeroy, the perfidy and general cussedness of Ross, &c., &c., that usually characterize Pomeroy's late purchases.
Our Tornado. Our subscribers may not all be aware that on the 14th of April last the town of Coffeyville was visited by a very destructive tornado which destroyed several buildings, among them the one in which this Paper was then printed. The building was utterly demolished ? the press broken and rendered useless, and the type, racks, cases, &c., lifted and scattered over the prairie for a distance of three-quarters of a mile ? all the furniture and wooden fixtures being broken into fragments, and some of it, together with portions of our books and papers, blown entirely beyond recovery.
It was this catastrophe that caused the suspension of the Paper until this time. By the kindness of a few friends, and considerable effort on our part, we have at last succeeded in procuring our present stock of material, and again start anew in the race ? still in debt for a considerable portion of the old establishment that was destroyed, and all of the new.
Though our loss was heavy, and leaves us without a dollar of available means, we are by no means discouraged from the prosecution of our enterprise of building up, here at Coffeyville, a newspaper and a town. To borrow an expressive phrase from our soldier President, we propose to "fight it out on this line" with no abatement of heart or hope, believing that we know how to print a first class newspaper, and that we have here as good a point for a town as is to be found in southern Kansas.
Those who sympathize with out political position will confer a great favor upon us and forward the cause of political reform by assisting us in enlarging our lists, while those who do not agree with us will pardon our vanity in saying that they will do themselves, as well as us, a kindness by at once sending for the Paper.
To the papers that have given pubic expression of their sympathy in our loss, we desire to return our heartfelt thanks, with the hope that they may never know a similar occasion for the extension of kindness to themselves.
Web Wilder has formally retired from the editorial conduct of the Fort Scott Monitor for the purpose of being a candidate for state auditor. We are sorry to lose Web from the editorial fraternity. The Republican convention will do itself honor by nominating him.